Purgatory, By The Rev. M. Canty, P.P., Part 21.

DOGMATIC AND SCHOLASTIC - THE VARIOUS QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH IT CONSIDERED AND PROVED.

Descent into Hell - Tintoretto 1568 

CHAPTER XIII. THE PLACE WHERE PURGATORY IS. Part 6.

V. Theologians also advance another argument, in support of the subterranean situation of Limbo,  which is taken from that well-known place where St. Peter § says (St. Peter, iii. 19.): "Coming He (Christ) preached to those spirits that were in prison." This verse, be cause somewhat obscure, requires some elucidation.

The following is the whole passage on which the argument is founded : "Christ also died once for our sins, the just for the unjust: that He might offer us to God, being put to death indeed in the flesh, but enlivened in the spirit. In which also coming he preached to those spirits that were in prison : which had been some time incredulous, when they waited for the patience of God in the days of Noe, when the ark was a building, wherein a few, that is, eight souls, were saved by water." Now the question is this: What was this preaching, and who were those spirits in prison to whom He preached ? With regard to this question, there have been many mistaken notions entertained.

1. St. Augustine, (Epist. 99.) and after him the Venerable Bede, Hugo, and St. Thomas, (3 p. q. 52, Art. 2.) understand by the prison, the body, and by the spirits, the souls that were inclosed in their bodies in the time of Noe ; in other words, the souls of those who were then alive. The body is as it were the prison of the soul. To the souls that were inclosed, or imprisoned, in their body at the time of the deluge, Christ may be said to have preached through Noe, who, whilst he built the ark, exhorted the people to repentance.

But they who do not accept this explanation say :

1. that St. Augustine admits it is not easy to under stand the passage, and that his own rendering of it did not please himself. He acknowledges that this text is full of difficulties; and he expressed a wish that some reason may be found for applying it to hell. This, however, he declares is clearly placed beyond all doubt, that the soul of Jesus Christ descended into the regions below, or hell. He concludes his observations on the text with this interrogation: " Who therefore unless an infidel shall deny that Christ.had been in hell ?" 2. If the prison be explained of the body, this would be taking the words in a symbolical or metaphorical, instead of the literal and genuine sense. But to forsake the literal and genuine for the symbolical or metaphorical sense would, in the present case, be opposed to one of the cardinal rules of hermeneutics.* 3. Such an explanation would be contrary to the scope of the apostle. The motive he had in view was this, to praise the efficacy and the fruitful effects of the death of Christ. But the efficacy and virtue of His death would be in no way praised, in no way glorified by this, that Christ had at one time, through the mouth of Noe, preached to wicked men, who died in their sins. If the apostle sought in the past an example, or type, of the virtue and efficacy of the death of Christ, he would have gone back rather to the preaching of Jonas to the Ninivites, than to that of Noe to the people of his day.

2. Some few, admitting that Christ descended into hell, imagined that He preached there to the damned, and converted those among them, who were the less guilty, or had committed the less evil. It is said that Clement of Alexandria seems to have held this opinion.
How vain and false was such a notion, is seen from this alone, that " out of hell there is no redemption." Opposed to such a fable, is the constant opinion of the, Fathers, and, in a special manner, of St. Augustine. (Lib. de Haeresib,, cap. 79.) Hence, St. Gregory the Great tells us that Christ delivered from hell, or Limbo, those just souls alone that were detained there. These are his words : " Christ descending into hell, delivered by his grace those alone who both believed Him to come, and, whilst alive, kept His precepts,"

3. Calvin imagined that the spirits, of whom St. Peter makes mention, were the souls of the saints; but that they were not, as the Vulgate has it, in prison. He says that the word used in the Greek version φυλακή,  signifies not alone a prison, but also a watch-tower. He takes it in the latter sense; and by the term watch-tower, he means heaven, where, according to his notion, the souls of the just awaited the advent and death of Christ. He imagined that Jesus Christ preached to these, not in person, but in cause; that is, as the cause of their liberation from the watch-tower, and of their translation to beatitude.

It is enough to upset the notions of Calvin, to observe that it is quite certain, and, as we have seen, quite capable of proof, that Christ really descended into hell. The Syrian version thus renders it: " He preached to those souls which were detained in hell." Furthermore, though the Greek word adopted by St. Peter, may, at times in the Scripture, signify a watch-tower, it has this meaning only in the case where there was an enemy to be watched. When there was no danger to be apprehended from an enemy, the word is never used in Scripture to signify a watch-tower. Now, in whatsoever place were the souls of the saints who died before Christ, they had no enemy to fear, and were safe from hostile attack. Then the word must be read, not in the sense of a watch-tower, but of a true prison.

Beza, a worthy coadjutor of Calvin in the work of "reformation," contended that when it is said in the text Jesus Christ was " enlivened in the spirit" we are to understand by the spirit his divinity. Then the sense would be that, by the power of his divinity, He had preached through Noe, to those who on account of their incredulity at the time of the deluge, are now detained in a prison, that is, hell.

This notion of Beza is dispelled: 1. because although by the spirit some understand the divinity of Christ, others by it understand his soul. That it should be read in the latter sense would seem to have been the intention of St. Peter, for he establishes an antithesis between the soul and body, contrasting one with the other. 2. The soul alone of Christ arrived in the prison. The phrase found in the Greek is : " He went into the prison." It could not be properly said of his divinity, which was always present everywhere, that it went into the prison, or arrived therein. Then the allusion must be to his soul alone. 3. All the ancient versions, as we have seen to be the case in the Syrian, read : " who were in prison," and not " who are in prison." They employ the past, and not the present tense. But if the notion of Beza were true, if St. Peter alluded to those souls who were in prison, or damned, on account of their incredulity in the time of Noe, he would have used the present instead of the past tense, for when the apostle wrote, these incredulous were still in prison, as they shall for ever be.

* Hermeneutics is the science of interpretation ; particularly as applied to the sacred Scriptures.

The Existence of Purgatory. by Rev. John A. Nageleisen Part 3 Opponents of Purgatory.

§ 6. Opponents of Purgatory.

19. Whilst reason compels all nations to proclaim their unanimous belief in Purgatory, a certain class of gloomy and proud men, whose dull intelligence admits only of an intercourse through the medium of the senses, presumes to deny this consoling doctrine. It is deplorable to see men calling themselves Christians, and professing to have progressed far in general culture, walking in the darkness of unbelief. Like owls, whose eyes sparkle and shine, but do not see in daytime, such men surround themselves with the semblance of knowledge, deceiving by an appearance of brilliant scientific attainments, yet sitting in the dark. They do not see the day that dawned with Christ and advanced with the propagation of His doctrine till it now shines in meridian splendor. They resemble, says St. Ignatius, the fallen angels; for as these were incited to pride and brought to their fall by their sublime position, thus they are made enemies of Christ, enemies of revealed religion, by their pretended science and sham learning, thus sinking in the estimation of sound reason even below the most uncultured nations. For though it is not clearly demonstrated that the ancient Carthaginians, Egyptians, Celts, Slavs, etc., believed in hell, yet there is no doubt that they believed in a state of purification after death. Whence this remarkable fact? St. Thomas Aquinas says, that whilst real science renders its possessor humble and makes all things except ourselves appear great, false science puffs up and shows everything as small and insignificant, except self. Hence we know of no other explanation but the senseless fanaticism of such as revolt in rabid haughtiness against the existing order of things, at the same time considering themselves too good, and others too wicked for Purgatory; which spirit is the result of singularity, prejudice and obstinate adhesion to preconceived ideas, and of a mean, narrow mind, intent on measuring divine things by the rule of dulled human perception. Thousands of souls were led into a labyrinth of error and unbelief by pride and presumptuous inquisitiveness regarding the mysteries of religion, by negligence in fulfilling their religious duties, by wickedness of life, by the reading of bad books and papers, by promiscuous association with scoffers at religion, with infidels, and with others whose company endangers faith.

20. And as even some so-called Catholics are presumptuous enough to doubt the consoling doctrine of Purgatory, because, deluded by false logic, they believe the Church to be wrong on this point, we give a brief, comprehensive statement of the errors concerning Purgatory ; in order that they may have a chance to recognize more easily their indefensible position, rise above their prejudices, and put to flight the serpent of pride and error.
The Gnostics of the first centuries of Christianity believed that the human soul is destined to free itself by degrees from the dominion of sensualism by going through a kind of purification here on earth. These heretics retained but little of Christianity, and their system had no place for Purgatory. For according to them the soul, once freed from the body and purified by earthly sufferings alone, returns to God in the realms of light, whilst everything else is engulfed in the darkness of eternal night.
In the fourth century, Aerius, a follower of the heresiarch Arius, called the doctrine of prayer for the dead immoral, claiming that it caused men to abandon themselves to vice and sin in the presumptuous hope that they were enabled, by gifts of money, to obtain the prayers and good works of others to escape punishment.
In the twelfth century, the Waldenses were at variance amongst themselves concerning the doctrine of Purgatory. The Albigenses and Catharers, who followed Gnostic views, and denied a future life in general almost universally, were logically bound to, reject Purgatory. In southern France, the adherents of the apostate, Peter de Bruis, denied Purgatory, because they regarded themselves too good, and others too wicked for it.

21. Until then the enemy of God made use only of one or the other of the objections to Purgatory hitherto mentioned, in order to gain adherents opposing-Purgatory. In the so-called Reformation of the sixteenth century, however, all these objections were united into one heresy denying the existence of Purgatory. For fifteen centuries the Church had offered up the Sacrifice of Expiation for the Suffering Souls, when Luther, an apostate monk, disturbed her peace and assailed her sacrifice by divulging a new doctrine. Of a morose and bitter disposition, he attacked the Catholic doctrine of indulgences, thus assailing the clemency of his spiritual Mother. Logically, he was soon led to deny the efficacy of her intercession, thus robbing the faithful of the consolation of her prayers after death by declaring that man, once justified, had no need of satisfying Divine Justice either in this world or in the next. Hence he denied the efficacy of prayer for the dead, and consequently the existence of Purgatory. But as he thus proclaimed a doctrine rejected both by Catholic faith and by reason, a doctrine that aimed at the same time at being consonant with divine truth and conniving at the sinful inclinations of man, hence Luther wavered in his position and in his teaching. Lies are unstable, but truth remains steadfast for ever. "The lip of truth shall be steadfast for ever; but he that is a hasty witness frameth a lying tongue." (Prov. xn. 19.) The Protestant theologian, Fritschel, in his "Review for Lutheran Theology and Church,' 9 mentions the conflicting views of Luther concerning the doctrine of Purgatory as follows: In 1518 and 1519 the " Reformer'' declares the existence of Purgatory as undeniable, and insists on its acceptance. In the following years, until 1530, his views underwent a change. He wished to retain Purgatory, but was not willing that it should remain an article of faith, "because," he maintained, "its existence can neither be proved, nor ought it to be denied." Then, in 1530, Luther published a "Denial of Purgatory;" a "powerful argument against this error*" as Fritschel calls it. In the Schmalkaldian Articles of 1537, the heresiarch calls Purgatory a "Devil's Mask." Nevertheless, he again wavers on other occasions, and in 1543, permits the insertion of prayers for the dead in the official edition of his Church Directory. No wonder that Fritschel repeatedly calls, Luther's position "remarkable." It must appear "remarkable" to every person capable of reasoning, no less so than the following prayer taken from his Directory: "O God, if the soul is in a condition to be assisted, I beseech Thee to be gracious towards it." Still more remarkable it is, that so many persons adhere to his wavering doctrine.

Calvin calls Purgatory "a dastardly invention of Satan, a blasphemy against Christ which annihilates His cross." Yet he concedes that prayer for the dead is an ancient and pious custom, and says that the souls of the just are detained until the last day in the bosom of Abraham. (Lib. Inst. 111. 5.)

Luther's illogical error was the result of wounded pride, nourished by intemperance like fire is fed by fuel. Smothering reason through exciting the passions, he aroused in his followers the seven-headed hydra of vice, causing them to show less logic than the Esquimaux and Greenlanders, by rejecting the consoling doctrine of a middle state in the next world.

The views and speculations concerning Purgatory, which originated in the diverging doctrines of Protestantism, are too manifold to be noted here. It is sufficient to mention that some of its adherents admit heaven and hell alone, others a place of purification and heaven, others again no hell and no purgatory, but heaven alone.

22. Nevertheless there are, and .always have been, a great many dissenters from the Catholic Church who, intent on living justly and uprightly, cultivate a profound logical religious sentiment, and hence agree with the learned Protestant Leibnitz who says: "It always was the the teaching of the Church that they that have departed this life, though acceptable to God through Christ and therefore elected to eternal life, must sometimes suffer natural punishment or purification for their sins, especially if they have not cleansed themselves sufficiently from their faults while on earth. True, the holy Fathers do not agree as to the mode of purification; but nearly all agree in the opinion that after this life a paternal punishment or purification, whatever its nature may be, will take place, by which the souls, after their departure from the body, are enlightened, and then, convinced of the imperfection of their past life and of the turpitude of sin, are filled with sorrow, and themselves desire it, unwilling to be admitted to the height of beatitude without having undergone it." And he concludes: "It always was a doctrine of the Church that we should pray for the dead, because they receive assistance by our prayer."
Collier, also a Protestant, remarks: "Prayer for the dead is one of the most ancient and best authenticated practices of religion. It quickens the belief in the immortality of the soul, draws the veil of darkness from the grave, and joins this world with the next. Had it been retained, most likely we should not have experienced so much scepticism and unbelief amongst us. I can not find a reason why a dissenting Church, which can not claim supernatural gifts, and is quite foreign to the early ages of Christianity, has rejected, or permitted the neglect of, a custom which is not condemned." True, the so-called Reformers, if they would be logical, could not admit Purgatory; but it was a rather hazardous proceeding to draw, by mere deduction, a negation of truths so firmly rooted in faith and so con-. sonant with reason and sentiment. Hence the untenable position of Protestantism, which loudly proclaims to the world that despite its doctrinal negation, many of its adherents unite with the Catholic Church in declaring: "There is a Purgatory; 'it is therefore a holy and wholesome thought to pray for the dead that they may be loosed from sins.' "

The Execution Of St Oliver Plunkett

Friday, the 11th of July 1681, was the day fixed for the execution; and at an early hour Dr. Plunket was conducted from prison to the scaffold at Tyburn. The dauntless spirit which he displayed whilst awaiting in prison the carrying out of the fatal sentence, and the heroic sanctity with which he disposed himself to receive the martyr's crown, belong rather to the next chapter; for the present it will suffice to give some extracts from a manuscript narrative, presented the same year to the Sacred Congregation, and which was not improbably composed by Father Teyling, a distinguished member of the Society of Jesus. It is entitled, "a brief narrative of the imprisonment, accusations, and death of Monsignor Plunket, archbishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland, executed at Tyburn, in London, the 11th of July, 1681." Many of the facts, however, which it contains have already been commemorated from other sources, wherefore we shall be content with presenting those passages which add new circumstances connected with the imprisonment and death of our holy prelate:—

"The glorious death of this prelate, deserving of eternal memory, as well for his innocence as for the heroic constancy with which he supported his atrocious penalty, has awakened in many a devout curiosity to learn its circumstances, and especially in those who well remember to have known and conversed with him in this city of Rome, where he lived for so many years, at first as student of the Irish College, and afterwards as professor of theology for many years in the College of the Propaganda. Wherefore, not to defraud so holy a desire, whilst we await a more complete narrative of those facts, we shall here relate what is known for certain, partly from various letters, and partly from his own discourse, which may now be had in print in many languages.

"Although he was, from the commencement, sought for with great diligence, nevertheless he, for awhile, escaped every danger, till, at length, detected by the cunning of the spies, he was arrested in the month of December, 1679, in the city of Dublin, and immediately cast into prison, where he was detained with the greatest rigour, being obliged, amongst other things, to purchase, at a price truly exorbitant, and wholly incompatible with his means, the most ordinary conveniences of furniture and food. After suffering for more than six months in that prison he was at length, on the 31st of July, 1680, conducted, under a close guard, to Dundalk, thirty-six miles distant from Dublin, there to stand his trial."

The narrative then proceeds with the various facts till the removal of his trial to London, regarding which iniquitous proceeding it remarks:—

"Everyone will see, that nothing less than a heroic virtue and magnanimity was required to receive this blow with that peace of soul, and with that perfect charity for his enemies with which the primate bore it. . . The good prelate, on the 11th of November, was removed from the castle of Dublin, and conducted, under a close guard, to London, where he arrived in the depth of the past most rigid winter; and although he was of a most delicate complexion, yet the only relief he received after so severe a journey, was to be thrown into a most opprobrious and disastrous prison, called Newgate, where for a-while he had to undergo such trials, as even the accused of most vile condition are not subjected to. Thus the entire winter and spring passed on, and in the mean time his accusers, living at large in London, arranged and matured all their plans to encompass his destruction."

The account of his trial and sentence is then given, and the narrative thus continues:—

"At the same time and place sentence of death was also passed against a certain Fitzharris, a man, for many and heinous crimes, deserving of that punishment: this served to form a contrast with Dr. Plunket, and add new lustre to his innocence. On the sentence of death being passed, Fitzharris, by the terror of his looks, his trembling, and the complete failure of strength, showed that his heart was not less guilty than feeble. On the contrary, the primate, as well when awaiting sentence, as whilst it was being passed, and after it, displayed such a frankness of soul and heart—such a serene and joyous countenance, and was so composed in all his actions and deportment, that all were able to perceive not only his perfect innocence, but, moreover, his singular virtue, which was master and superior to every emotion of passion. And concerning all this, the Catholics, who were present, wrote endless praises, attesting that none could wish for a deportment more noble, more amiable, more worthy of him whom he there represented. Having heard the sentence (turning his thoughts to his soul, and no-wise solicitous as to the sufferings destined for his body), he asked as a favour from the judge to be allowed to treat of spiritual matters with a Catholic priest, 'You will have,' replied the judge, ' a minister of the Church of England.' But he answered: 'I am obliged for your good intentions, but such a favour would be wholly useless to me.'

"The primate being re-conducted to prison after this public and so glorious trial, there arose between the Catholics and the Protestants an eager strife who would visit him and converse with him—the former attracted by a singular devotion, the latter by an extraordinary curiosity; and he, during the few days that he survived, received both with such courtesy, with such a sweetness, and calmness, and amiableness of manner, that the Catholics departed truly edified, and the Protestants were not only exceedingly contented with his deportment, but also rendered more affectionate towards the Catholics. Before his execution he was able to confer with a spiritual father (a man of great merit, who was then, as he is yet, a glorious confessor of the faith in that prison),[ This was Father Corker, as we learn from the letters of the Archbishop of Cashel.] to whom he manifested, as that which most disturbed him, his having no horror of death, on account of which he feared that he was not well prepared for it, which shows his humility, and with what worthy sentiments he approached his death, as the only scruple "which disturbed him was one derived from a special and excessive grace which God granted to him. On his part he was nowise negligent in disposing himself for this great grace; for, in addition to the sufferings of prison, to the afflicting journeys so patiently borne by him, to the generous and repeated pardon which he so often breathed for his enemies in exchange for their many outrages, he added, moreover, many voluntary penances, and especially a rigorous fast on bread and water, three times each week, during the whole time that he was in prison in London, as the keeper of the prison, a Protestant, attested after Dr. Plunket's death, not without eulogy and admiration.

"At length, on the 11th of July, the day destined for the carrying out of the fatal sentence, the keeper of the prison, imagining that the apprehension of approaching death, and horror of the atrocious punishment, would have made some impression on that soul hitherto so resolute, went early in the morning to visit him, and if necessary, too, to give him courage and comfort him; but he was yet more surprised and filled with astonishment on finding that the prelate, on being awakened, was as little moved by the approach of sufferings as though his body were insensible to pain, whilst, nevertheless, he was of an ardent and delicate temperament. In a little while the announcement was made that everything was in order, wherefore he was taken from prison, and stretched (with his face uppermost) and tied with cords upon a wooden hurdle (as is there customary), and thus drawn by a horse to Tyburn.

"It had been a hundred years, perhaps, since a Catholic bishop was thus executed there, and hence the curiosity to see a victim of such exalted dignity, and already so famed for his noble deportment, gathered together an immense multitude of spectators, who partly awaited him on the road side, partly at the place of execution. Such as he had shown himself when receiving sentence of death did he now prove himself in this last scene when undergoing death itself, being ever serene and tranquil, even to his last breath; so that he universally excited that esteem and sympathy which is invariably evoked by an heroic virtue oppressed by an extreme rigour; so that few could be found even amongst the Protestants to entertain a doubt as to his innocence.

"On the scaffold he delivered a short discourse, in which, after protesting his innocence as to the charges of conspiracy made against him, he prayed for life and health to the king and all the royal family, gave a most complete pardon to all his enemies and adversaries, and, in fine, supplicated the Divine Majesty to be propitious to him, through the merits of Christ, through the intercession of the Blessed Virgin, and of all the holy Angels and Saints of Paradise. Which form of prayer, so simple and yet so pious, was remarked by the spectators, who never remembered to have heard from any other such an express mention of the Blessed Virgin and the Saints.

' This discourse was the substance of the longer one which he wrote with his own hand in prison, and left with his friends, lest any, by a malignant alteration, might seek to falsify his dying sentiments. Having concluded his discourse, the sentence was carried into execution, and his happy soul sped its flight (as we may hope) to enjoy an eternal repose.

"On the same day, and in the same place, Fitzharris was executed; and to the last the contrast of his manner and actions displayed in brighter light the happy lot of the primate; and whilst Dr. Plunket excited compassion on account of the atrocious and unmerited suffering, and became universally loved for his innocence, and extolled to the skies for his constancy, Fitzharris was abhorred for his wicked deeds, despised for his vile cowardice, and uncompassioned in his suffering, as being his due.

"The primate, before death, asked and obtained permission to be buried with the fathers of the Society of Jesus who, during the present persecution, sacrificed their lives at Tyburn. He was therefore interred with them in the church of St. Giles; and we cannot but remark the devotion and great esteem which the English Catholics displayed for this sacred deposit; and together with it they interred a copper plate, on which was inscribed the following inscription :—

"' In this tomb resteth the body of the Most Rev. Oliver Plunket, late archbishop of Armagh and primate of all Ireland, who, when accused of high treason, through hatred of the faith, by false brethren, and condemned to death, being hanged at Tyburn, and his bowels being taken out and cast into the fire, suffered martyrdom with constancy, in the reign of Charles the Second, King of Great Britain, on the 1st day of July, 1681.'

"Here we may remark, that by referring to this inscription it is not our intention to ratify the title of martyr till holy Church will authenticate it: as, also, we must add, that the aforesaid date is not contrary to that given above, as the 1st of July, according to the old style, still used in England, is equivalent to the 11th of July, according to our Gregorian computation.

"Some few circumstances yet remain connected with the death of Dr. Plunket, which cannot be passed over in silence, and which we now add :—

"1st. It is deserving of attention that all the accusers, judges, and other opponents of Dr. Plunket were not able to attach the mask of conspiracy to his cause, or conceal its being a manifest and direct cause of religion. The plots in England were pretended to be directed against the life of the king, but neither the death of the king nor the advancement of any other cause could be put forward as the scope of the pretended Irish conspiracy, but only the establishment of the faith.

"2nd. It has been written that two English lords (who were successively viceroys in Ireland) declared to the king, that it was impossible to believe or deem probable any of the accusations against the primate, for they had experienced him a man full of zeal for the public peace; nay, one of the most efficacious in Ireland in appeasing seditious movements.

"3rd. It is certain that, on the part of one of the first noblemen in England, his life was offered him, should he consent to accuse others: which offer, although resolutely rejected by him, is said to have been renewed to him on the scaffold, God permitting this temptation for the greater merit of one who thus, in such innocence, sacrificed his life.

"4th. The Superior of a certain religious order, a man of great prudence, who was present at the primate's death, writes, that on the scaffold, by the singular composure of soul and actions, he seemed like an angel descended from paradise, who was joyously arrived at the moment of once more returning thither.

"5th. All write, with one accord, that this innocent victim has done and yet performs great good in England, not only by the edification which he gave to the Catholics, but, moreover, by the change of ideas and sentiments which he occasioned in many Protestants, who now commence to regard all these conspiracies as malicious fictions; and there are great grounds for believing that the fruit which England will derive from his blood will not end here. The archbishop himself wrote from prison in London (and the letter written with bis own hand is still in Rome), that he has experienced in the English Catholics the most exalted piety, faith, and Christian charity, which any one could desire: and he gives the names of many families and individuals who, it seems, gave to him, though a stranger and unknown to them, large sums of money to enable his witnesses to come from Ireland, and offered themselves, moreover, as most ready to undergo any other expense, or render him any service. He, therefore, in the letter referred to, professes an unspeakable love for those so bounteous benefactors: and we may hope, that as he has, whilst living, done so much by his example, so now he will be efficacious in obtaining from heaven most abundant blessings for those by whom he deemed himself so benefited on earth."

Such were the glorious sentiments with, which the archbishop encountered the barbarous sentence which had been unjustly decreed against him. None, even amongst his enemies, dared to insinuate his guilt, or pretend that any deeds of conspiracy could be imputed to him: all felt the attractions of his innocence and sanctity, and could scarce find words to express their admiration and esteem. Even amongst subsequent writers, no matter how ardent defenders they may have been of the Protestant cause, none have reproached his memory with the reputed guilt, but all have uniformly recorded his innocence of the charges thus made against him. We have already quoted the words of the Protestant bishop Burnet: we may now add the testimonies of some few others. Thus, for instance, Echard, in his History of England (vol. iii. p. 631), after stating that Dr. Plunket had an attestation of his innocence, under the hands of the two viceroys, Essex and Berkeley, adds that he himself was "Assured, by an unquestionable hand, that the Earl of Essex was so sensible of this good man's hardship, that he generously applied to the king for a pardon, and told his majesty that these witnesses must needs be perjured; for these things sworn against him could not possibly be true. Upon which the king, in a passion, said, 'Why did you not attest this at his trial? it would have done him good then. I dare not pardon anyone.' And so concluded with the same kind of answer he had given another person formerly, 'His blood be upon your head, not mine.'"

The continuation of " Sir Richard Baker's Chronicle," p. 70, not only corroborates this fact of the Earl of Essex, but gives us the general Protestant sentiment of the time in regard of the perjured witnesses, and the accusations which they brought against the primate.

"In the meantime, (he writes) came on the trial of Dr. Oliver Plunket, Popish titular Archbishop of Armagh, who called himself primate of all Ireland. He was a worthy and good man, who notwithstanding the high title given him, was in a very mean state of life, as having nothing to subsist on but the contributions of a few poor clergy of his own religion in the province of Ulster, who having little themselves, could not spare much to him. In these low circumstances he lived, though meanly, quietly and contentedly, meddling with nothing but the concerns of his function, and dissuading all about him from entering into any turbulent or factious intrigues. But while the Popish plot was warm, some lewd Irish priests, and others of that nation, hearing that England was disposed to hearken to good swearers, thought themselves well qualified for the employment, so they came over with an account of a plot in Ireland, and were well received by Lord Shaftesbury. They were also examined by the Parliament, and what they said was believed. They were very profligate wretches, and some of the priests among them had been censured by Plunket for their lewdness, so partly out of revenge, and partly to keep themselves in business, they charged a plot upon that innocent, quiet man, so that he was sent for over, and brought to trial. The evidences swore that upon his being made primate of Ireland, he engaged to raise sixty or seventy thousand Irish to be ready to join with the French, to destroy the Protestant religion, and to get Dublin, Londonderry, and all the seaports into their hands; and that beside the French army, there was a Spanish army to join with them, and that the Irish clergy were to contribute to this design. Plunket, in his defence, alleged the improbability of all that was sworn against him; which was apparent enough. He alleged that the Irish clergy.were so poor, that he himself, who was the head of the whole province, lived in a little thatched house, with only one servant, having never above sixty pounds a-year income, so that neither he nor they could be thought very likely to carry on a design of this nature. But the fact being positively sworn against him, and the jury unacquainted with the witnesses' characters, and the scene of action, he was brought in guilty and condemned. It is said that the Earl of Essex was so sensible of the injustice done him, that he applied to the king for a pardon, and told him that the matters sworn against Plunket were so absurd in themselves, that it was impossible for them to be true. But the king answered in a passion, 'Why did you not declare this, then, at the trial? it would have done him some good then; but I dare pardon nobody,' and concluded by saying, 'His blood be upon your head, and not upon mine.'

With peace and calm Dr. Plunket prepared himself in prison to receive in a worthy manner the glorious privilege of dying for the faith, with which God wished to crown his earthly labours. On the day after the final sentence had been passed against him, he thus wrote to his friend and fellow-prisoner, Father Corker:—

"Dear Sir,

"I am obliged to you for the favour and charity of the 20th, and for all your former benevolence; and whereas I cannot in this country remunerate you, with God's grace I hope to be grateful in that kingdom which is properly our country. And truly God gave me, though unworthy of it, that grace to have fortem animum mortis terrors carentem. I have many sins to answer for before the Supreme Judge of the high bench, where no false witnesses can have an audience. But as for the bench yesterday, I am not guilty of any crime there objected to me. I would I could be so clear at the bench of the All-powerful. However, there is one comfort, that He cannot be deceived, because He is omniscious, and knows all secrets, even of hearts; and cannot deceive, because all goodness; so that I may be sure of a fair trial, and will get time sufficient to call witnesses, nay, the judge will bring them in a moment, if there will be need of any. You and your comrade's prayers will be powerful advocates at that bench; here, none are admitted for "Your affectionate friend,

"Oliver Plunket."

This composure of soul, and tranquil resignation to the will of God, is attested not only by the friends of the illustrious primate, but also by Protestants who, perchance, had occasion to contemplate and admire his fortitude and heavenly deportment in prison. Sir Richard Bulstrode, for instance, attests that "Captain Richardson, keeper of Newgate, being asked by the Lieutenant of the Tower, how this prisoner had behaved himself, he replied, 'Very well, for when I came to him this morning, he was newly awake, having slept all night without any disturbance; and when I told him he was to prepare for his execution, he received the message with all quietness of mind, and went to the sledge as unconcerned as if he had been going to a wedding.' "

In addition to the particulars of. the closing scene of Tyburn, which we have already presented from the anonymous narrative, we learn many further circumstances connected with Dr. Plunket's execution, from the often referred to letter of the Archbishop of Cashel:—

"The first (i.e. the 11th) of July, 1681, being at length arrived, this great bishop (Dr. Plunket) was brought to the place of execution, destined for public malefactors, being placed upon a sledge trailed on the ground, and drawn by horses, and accompanied by a numerous guard of military, as well as by a multitude of spectators and royal officers; and to all he gave occasion of surprise and edification, because he displayed such a serenity of countenance, such a tranquillity of mind and elevation of soul, that he seemed rather a spouse hastening to the nuptial feast, than a culprit led forth to the scaffold.

"Being arrived at the place of execution, he mounted a car which had been placed there on purpose, and delivered a discourse, which lasted an hour, clearing himself of the accusations for which he suffered —calling God, and the whole heavenly court to witness his innocence as to the pretended conspiracy—and declaring himself an unworthy Catholic prelate, who laboured to preserve and advance the true faith in a just and lawful manner, and by no other means,—and pardoning his accusers, the friars, and their accomplices, the judges, and all who procured or concurred in his death: and he delivered this discourse with such sweetness and energy, that it seems, he moved to compassion even his executioner, and much more so, those who assisted as spectators. Having finished his address, he made a lengthened prayer to God, and passed to a better life, with a fortitude and spirit truly apostolic.

"His discourse is everywhere to be met with in print, and was applauded even by the adversaries of our religion, who could not fail to admire the singular courage, and extol the many heroic acts of the pretended culprit, and to censure the manner of proceeding of the court, and the sentence pronounced against him; the better part of them, and especially those of the province of Armagh, being well acquainted with, and having ever esteemed the deceased prelate, as a man of honour, whilst they knew the accusers to be wicked men, and their accusations incredible.
"An event so unexpected has overwhelmed the Catholics with affliction, seeing thus put to death the head of the clergy in this kingdom, through the perjured testimony of villains, who themselves had often merited the penalty of robbers .... And he being the first in this kingdom condemned on account of the imaginary conspiracy, it was feared that all the Catholics of the kingdom would be deemed culpable, and guilty of the same deeds, as if united with their head, and this increased their tribulation. But on the other hand, when they consider the glorious death of this sacred victim, and the applause and compassion which he merited even from the Protestants, and the honour he thus rendered to the Church, to his country, and to his sacred dignity, they are filled with consolation.

"And in truth, his holy life merited for him this glorious death; for during the twelve years of his residence here, he showed himself vigilant, zealous, and indefatigable above his predecessors, nor do we find within the memory of those of the present century, that any primate or metropolitan visited his diocese and province with such solicitude and pastoral zeal as he did, reforming depraved morals amongst the people, and the scandalous life of some of the clergy, chastising the guilty, rewarding the meritorious, consoling all; benefiting, as far as was in his power, and succouring the needy, wherefore he was applauded and honoured by the clergy and people, with the exception of some wicked enemies of virtue and religious observance. He held many diocesan synods and provincial councils, to the great spiritual advantage of both clergy and people. He instituted schools of moral theology for the young priests, and procured, as far as was possible to have the children of Catholics educated by Catholic masters, a rare thing in these parts; and in this and other things belonging to his pastoral charge, he showed himself untiringly solicitous. All this was attested more than once by the clergy of the province of Armagh, in synodal letters addressed to the Sacred Congregation, with unusual acclamations and applause, extolling their metropolitan, and reverently thanking his Holiness and the Sacred Congregation, for having chosen as their primate a person so conspicuous and so worthy.

"This prelate merited from the English government more favour than he received, since he was thus oppressed in London by the impious calumnies of his enemies. He bore great affection for that nation, and showed himself ever attentive tq the interests of the king, and to the peace of the present government. He gave signal proofs of this during the many years that he' lived in Rome, having been attentive to assist its noble youths who went thither to contemplate the grandeur of that city, and procuring for them courtesy and honours even from the chief nobility of that great court,where, too, on every occasion he spoke of the king of England with esteem and praise.

"His affection and manner of discourse did not change since his arrival in Ireland, where he spoke with zeal of the interests of the king and of the present government, exhorting all to a due subordination to the political laws of the kingdom, to peace and fraternal love among all; ordering in his synods that the clergy should labour to procure the tranquillity of the subjects, and that they should pray for the king and royal family. Of the sincerity of these desires he gave a great proof, which was applauded by all. There was in the province of Armagh a multitude of famous tories, who pestered that province with robberies and murders, of which Protestants were principally the victims. He, at the desire of the Viceroy, went in search of them, not without his own great risk, and having found them, he exhorted them to live as it became good Christians, and to allow the other subjects of his majesty to live in peace; and having treated with them in a kind and paternal manner, he induced them to lay aside their plunderings and to submit to the Government; as in fact they did; and all going to Dublin, he obtained for them pardon from the Viceroy, and they were placed on shipboard and transferred to other countries, to the great delight and advantage of that province; and all extolling the charity of the prelate who, by this means, saved the lives of these tories, and, at the same time, preserved the lives and property of the inhabitants of those districts.

"What has been said of his manner of acting in this kingdom, and how devoted he was to the service of the king and the welfare of his country, was known to the king and to many in the kingdom; and, nevertheless, when his cause was transferred to England, and he himself obliged to appear there, it is not known that any one of them took the slightest trouble to speak or write one word in favour of his merits. Of all that he did in Rome for the English nation, many of the nobility who are now in England can bear testimony; and yet not one of them took a step to manifest his innocence. From all this we may learn to do good for heavenly motives, and to await its recompense from God alone.

"Many Catholics do not hesitate to call him martyr, being convinced that he suffered for the Catholic faith; and although he was accused on three principal charges, as he himself writes—first, of having sought to establish and propagate the Catholic faith; second, of plotting the death of the king; third, of seeking to bring in the French—.the second and third were only as if means to attain the first, as even the adversaries themselves laid down. In truth, they might be styled two chimeras; so that the only real cause of his suffering was the propagation of the faith; and he confessed publicly, in regard of the first accusation, that he had discharged the office of a prelate ex ce quo et bono, without doing or seeking to do any injury to any being in the world.

"And as Boetius finds a place in the martyrology for having defended the Catholic faith against the Arians, although the pretext of his death was an imaginary conspiracy against King Theodoric; and, in like manner, St. Hermenegild, for having professed and sought to advance the true faith, although the pretext of his death was a similar conspiracy against King Leo vi gildus and his kingdom, with the aid of the Greek emperor; so, too, they argue in the present instance. But it is not our province to decide this.

"However this may be, it is certain that the memory of this glorious prelate will ever be revered in these kingdoms, as, on the contrary, the name of his impious accusers will ever be held in abomination, for having, with sacrilegious impiety, shed this sacred and innocent blood, and procured, with like impiety, to insult the Holy See and the court, as well of Rome as of other Catholic sovereigns, by their wicked and sacrilegious depositions, declaring them promoters of the feigned conspiracy, which, in truth, was forged in hell. They included, too, in their accusations against the primate, the Catholics of Ireland as aiders in advancing that engine, from which will result the ruin of our people, unless God, in a special manner, protects them; and on this account it is that, as I am of opinion, from the time of the institution of the order of St. Francis, the name of friar was never less revered in these parts, not only amongst Catholics, but also amongst the adversaries of our holy faith."

These words need no comment; they present, as if in a picture, the scene of Tyburn—sad, indeed, when looked on with the eyes of this world, but truly glorious when contemplated with the eye of faith. The death of the good prelate corresponded with his life; and his dispositions of soul and heavenly sentiments fully accorded with the glorious consummation of his career as bishop of God's Church. The discourse which he delivered from the scaffold, with as great calmness and energetic zeal as though he were addressing from the pulpit his own immediate flock, moved all the assembled multitude, and even his executioner to compassion; and surely no one even now-a-days can read without emotion even the dead letters of the printed discourse, especially the concluding passages, in which he prays forgiveness to all his enemies, and supplicates from the Almighty pardon for his own faults and eternal rest in heaven. Dr. Plunket composed this discourse in prison, and left it to his friends, written with his own hand; for he feared lest his dying words should be misrepresented, or any false sentiments be imputed to him. It was immediately printed and translated into various languages, as we learn from Dr. Brennan. We give it in full, from the printed copy in the archives of Propaganda:—

"I have some few days past abided my trial at the King's Bench, and now very soon I must hold up my hand at the King of King's Bench, and appear before a Judge who cannot be deceived by false witnesses or corrupted allegations; for He knoweth the secrets of hearts; neither can He deceive any or give an unjust sentence, or be misled by respect of persons: He being all goodness, and a most just Judge, will infallibly decree an eternal reward for all good works, and condign punishment for the smallest transgression against His commandments, which being a most certain and undoubted truth, it would be wicked, and contrary to my eternal welfare, that I should now, by declaring anything contrary to the truth, commit a detestable sin, for which, within a very short time, I must receive sentence of everlasting damnation; after which there is no reprieve or hope of pardon. I will, therefore, confess the truth, without any equivocation, and make use of the words according to their accustomed signification; assuring you, moreover, that I am of that certain persuasion, that no power, not only upon earth, but also in heaven, can dispense with me, or give me leave to make a false protestation; and I protest upon the word of a dying man, that as I hope for salvation at the hands of the supreme Judge, that I will declare the naked truth with all candour and sincerity; and that my affairs may be better known to all the world. It is to be observed, that I have been accused in Ireland of treason and praemunire, and that there I was arraigned and brought to my trial; but the prosecutors (men of flagitious and"infamous lives) perceiving that I had records and witnesses who would evidently convict them, and clearly show my innocency and their wickedness, they voluntarily absented themselves, and came to this city to procure that I should be brought hither to my trial, where the crimes were not committed, where the jury did not know me or the qualities of my accusers, and were not informed of several other circumstances conducing to a fair trial. Here, after six months' close imprisonment (or thereabouts), I was brought to the bar, the 3rd of May, and arraigned for a crime for which I was before arraigned in Ireland; a strange resolution, a rare fact, of which you shall hardly find a precedent these five hundred years past; but (whereas) my witnesses and records were in Ireland, the Lord Chief Justice gave me five weeks time to get them brought hither; but by reason of the uncertainty of the seas, of wind, and weather, and the difficulty of getting copies of records, and bringing many witnesses from many counties in Ireland, and many other impediments (of which affidavit was made) I could not at the end of five weeks get the records and witnesses brought hither; I, therefore, begged for twelve days more, that I might be in a readiness for my trial, which the Lord • Chief Justice denied, and so I was brought to my trial, and exposed, as it were, with my hands tied, to those mercilesa perjurers, who did aim at my life by accusing me of these following points:—

First—That I have sent letters by one Nial O'Neal (who was my page) to M. Baldeschi, the Pope's Secretary, to the Bishop of Aix, and to the Prince Colonna, that they might solicit foreign powers to invade Ireland; and also to have sent letters to Cardinal Bouillon to the same effect.

Secondly.—To have employed Captain Con O'Neal to the French king for succour.

Thirdly.—To have levied and exacted monies from the clergy of Ireland, to bring in the French, and to maintain 70,000 men.

Fourthly.—To have had in a readiness 70,000 men, and lists made of them, and to have given directions to one friar Duffy, to make a list of 250 men in the parish of Foghart, in the county of Louth.

Fifthly.—To have surrounded all the forts and harbours of Ireland, and to have fixed upon Carlingford as a fit harbour for the French's landing.

Sixthly.—To have had several councils and meetings where there was money allotted for introducing the French.

Finally.—That I held a meeting in the county of Monaghan, some ten or twelve years past, where there were 300 gentlemen of three several counties, to wit, Monaghan, Cavan, and Armagh, whom I did exhort to take arms to recover their estates.

"To the first I answer, that Nial O'Neal was never my page or servant, and that I never sent letter or letters by him to M. Baldeschi, or to the Bishop of Aix, or to the Prince Colonna; and I say, that the English translation of that pretended letter produced by the friar MacMoyer is a mere invention of his, and never penned by me, or its original, in English, Latin, Italian, or any other language. I affirm, moreover, that I never wrote letter or letters to Cardinal Bouillon, or any of the French king's ministers; neither did any one who was in that court either speak to me or write to me, directly or indirectly, of any plot or conspiracy against the king or country. Further, I vow that I never sent agent or agents to Rome, or to any other, about any civil or temporal affairs; and it is well known (for it is a precept publicly printed) that clergymen (living where the government is not of Roman Catholics) are commanded by Rome not to write to Rome, concerning any civil or temporal affairs. And I do aver that I never received letter or letters from the Pope, or from any of his ministers, making the least mention of any such matters, so that the friar Mac Moyer and Duffy swore as to such letter or letters, agent or agents.

"To the second I say, that I never employed Captain Con O'Neal to the French king, or to any of his ministers; and that I never wrote to him, or received letters from him; and that I never saw him but once, nor ever spoke to him, to the best of my remembrance, ten words; and as for his being in Charlemont or Dungannon, I never saw him in these towns, or knew of his being in these places; so that as to Con O'Neal, friar MacMoyer's depositions are most false.

"To the third I say, that I never levied any money for a plot or conspiracy for bringing in the Spaniards or French, neither did I ever receive any on that account from priests or friars, as priest MacClave and friar Duffy most untruly asserted. I assure you I never received from any clergyman in Ireland but what was due to me, by ancient custom, for my maintenance, and what my predecessors these hundred years were wont to receive; nay, I received less than many of them. And if all what the Catholic clergy of Ireland get in the year were put in one purse, it would signify little or nothing to introduce the French, or to raise an army of 70,000 men, which I had enlisted and ready, as friar MacMoyer most falsely deposed; neither is it less untrue what friar Duffy attested, viz., that I directed him to make a list of 250 men in the parish of Foghart, in the county of Louth.

"To the fifth I answer, that I never surrounded all the ports or harbours of Ireland, and that I never was at Cork, Kinsale, Bantry, Youghal, Dungarvan, or Knockfergus; and these thirty-six years past I was not at Limerick, Dungannon, or Wexfort. As for Carimgfort, I never was in it but once, and staid not in it above half an hour; neither did I consider the port or haven; neither had I it in my thoughts or imagination to fix upon it, or any other port or haven, for landing of French or Spaniards, and while I was at Cariingfort (by mere chance passing that way), friar Duffy was not in my company, as he most falsely swore.

"To the sixth I say, that I never was at any meeting or council where there was mention made of allotting or collecting of monies for a plot or conspiracy; and it is well known that the Catholic clergy of Ireland, who have neither lands or revenues, and hardly are able to keep decent clothes on their backs, and life and soul together, can raise no considerable sum, nay, cannot spare as much as would maintain half a regiment. "

"To the seventh I answer, that I never was at any meeting of 300 gentlemen in the county of Monaghan, or of any gentlemen of the three counties of Monaghan, Armagh, and Cavan, nor of one county, nor of. one barony; and that I never exhorted gentleman or gentlemen, either there or in any other part of Ireland, to take arms for the recovering of their estates; and it is well known that there are not, even in all the province of Ulster, 300 Irish Roman Catholics who had estates or lost estates by the late rebellion, and, as it is well known, all my thoughts and desires were for the quiet of my country, and especially of that province.

"Now to be brief, as I hope for salvation, I never sent letter or letters, agent or agents, to Pope, king, prince, or prelate, concerning any plot or conspiracy against my king or country: I never raised sum or sums of money, great or small, to maintain soldier or soldiers, all the days of my life: I never knew or heard (neither did it come to my thoughts or imagination) that the French were to land at Cariingfort; and I believe that there is none who saw Ireland, even in a map, but will think it a mere romance: I never knew of any plotters or conspirators in Ireland, but such as were notorious or proclaimed (commonly called tories), whom I did endeavour to suppress. And as I hope for salvation, I always have been, and am entirely innocent of the treasons laid to my charge, and of any other whatsoever.

"And though I be not guilty of the crimes of which I am accused, yet I believe none came ever to this place in such a condition as I am, for if even I should acknowledge (which in conscience I cannot do, because I should belie myself) the chief crimes laid to my charge, no wise man that knows Ireland would believe me. If I should confess that I was able to raise 70,000 men in the districts of which I had care, to wit, in Ulster, nay, even in all Ireland, and to have levied and exacted monies from the Catholic clergy, for their maintenance, and to have proposed Carlingfort for the French's landing, all would but laugh at me, it heing well known that all the revenues of Ireland, both spiritual and temporal, possessed by his majesty's subjects, are scarce able to raise and maintain an army of 70,000 men. If I will deny all these crimes (as I did and do), yet it may be that some who are not acquainted with the affairs of Ireland will not believe that my denial is grounded on truth, though I assert it with my last breath. I dare mention farther, and affirm, that if these points of 70,000 men, &c., had been sworn before any Protestant jury in Ireland, and had been even acknowledged by me at the bar, they would not believe me, no more than if it had been deposed and confessed by me, that I had flown in the air from Dublin to Holyhead.

"You see, therefore, what a condition I am in, and you have heard what protestations I have made of innocency, and I hope you will believe the words of a dying man. And that you may be the more induced to give me credit, I assure you that a great peer sent me notice, 'that he would save my life, if I would accuse others;' but I answered, ' that I never knew of any conspirators in Ireland, hut such (as I said before) as were publicly known outlaws; and that to save my life I would not falsely accuse any, nor prejudice my own soul. Quid prodest homini, &c. To take away any man's life or goods wrongfully ill hecometh any Christian, especially a man of my calling, heing a clergyman of the Catholic Church, and also an unworthy prelate, which I do openly confess. Neither will I deny to have exercised in Ireland the functions of a Catholic prelate, as long as there was connivance or toleration; and by preaching, and teaching, and statutes, to have endeavoured to bring the clergy (of which I had a care) to a due comportment, according to their calling; and though thereby I did but my duty, yet some, who would not amend, had a prejudice for me, and especially my accusers, to whom I did endeavour to do good; I mean the clergyman (as for the four laymen who appeared against me, viz., Florence MacMoyer, the two Neales, and Hanlon, I was never acquainted with them); but you see how I am requited, and how, by false oaths, they brought me to this untimely death, which wicked act, being a defect of persons, ought not to reflect on the order of St. Francis or on the Roman Catholic clergy, it being well known that there was a Judas among. the twelve apostles, and a wicked man, called Nicholas, amongst the seven deacons; and even as one of the said deacons, to wit, holy Stephen, did pray for those who stoned him, so do I for those who, with perjuries, spill my innocent blood, saying, as St. Stephen did, 'f,ord, lay not this sin to them.' I do heartily forgive them, and also the judges who (by denying me sufficient time to bring my records and witnesses from Ireland) did expose my life to evident danger. I do also forgive all those who had a hand in bringing me from Ireland to be tried here, where it was morally impossible for me to have a fair trial. I do, finally, forgive all who did concur, directly or indirectly, to take away my life; and I ask forgiveness of all those whom I ever offended by thought, word, or deed. I beseech the All-powerful that His divine Majesty grant the king, the queen, and the Duke of York, and all the royal family, health, long life, and all prosperity in this world, and in the next everlasting felicity.

"Now that I have shown sufficiently (as I think) how innocent I am of any plot or conspiracy, I would I were able, with the like truth, to clear myself of high crimes committed against the divine Majesty's commandments (often transgressed by me), for which I am sorry with all my heart; and if I should or could live a thousand years, I have a firm resolution, and a strong purpose, by your Grace, oh, my God! never to offend you; and I beseech your divine Majesty, by the merits of Christ, and by the intercession of His blessed Mother and all the holy angels and saints, to forgive me my sins, and to grant my soul eternal rest. Miserere met Deus, &c. Puree animce, &c. In manus tuas, &c.

"Oliver Plunket."

To this discourse Dr. Plunket added the following postcript before going out to execution, re-confirming the sentiments of the preceding discourse, and renewing the declarations which it contained :—

To the final satisfaction of all persons that have the charity to believe the words of a dying man I again declare before God, as I hope for salvation, what is contained in this paper is the plain and naked truth without any equivocation, mental reservation, or secret evasion whatever, taking the words in their usual sense and meaning, as Protestants do when they discourse with all candour and sincerity. To all which I have here subscribed my hand.

"OlIVER PlUNKET."

Having concluded his discourse on the scaffold, the archbishop knelt in prayer, and with eyes raised towards heaven, recited the psalm, " Miserere mei Deus," and many other devout prayers; and having breathed the aspiration, "in manus tuas Domine commendo spiritum meum," "into thy hands, oh Lord, I commend my spirit" the cart was drawn away, and whilst at the hands of the executioner he received the disgraceful punishment of a traitor, he yielded his happy soul into the hands of his Creator.

To conclude this chapter, we shall add the letter of a Catholic gentleman, who, as we learn from the Archbishop of Cashel, was present at the execution. It was addressed to that dear friend of the martyred prelate, who transmitted it to Rome, and at the same time, deeming it a letter of edification, distributed many copies of it throughout the country, to the great consolation of the Catholics." It is dated, London, 15th of July, 1681, and is as follows:—

"On Friday last, despite all our endeavours, our good man was conducted to the fatal place of execution; whither he went to receive and encounter death with a soul so noble, and a fortitude so generous, that his adversaries—even malice itself—admired* his intrepidity and compassioned his lot. Never did he preach from the pulpit with greater vigour of soul than he displayed when delivering this discourse at the place of execution. In a word, he won more credit and repute, as well for himself as for his country, by one hour of suffering, than he could have acquired perhaps by hundreds of years of life; and I am persuaded that there was never a victim of the Irish nation which will reflect more credit on that kingdom, than this revered and truly Christian prelate; who, as a Jonas cast into the sea, will, we may hope, be a means of appeasing the tempest, and terminating our present persecutions. And of this, indeed, we have already had some evidence; for on the very day after the death of this martyr, the Earl of Shaftesbury, head of the anti-Catholic faction, was committed to the Tower of London, accused of high treason, where are also imprisoned on the same grounds, Lord Howard, and two others of the same party?; so that even already the scales have commenced to change their balance, and we have begun to hope for better times."

Dr. Plunket was the last victim to the anti-Catholic fury with which the English nation was then inflamed; and the next day, which witnessed the fall of Shaftesbury, and saw that arch-enemy of the Catholics conducted to the Tower, saw also the very witnesses whom he had fostered employ their perjured tales to hurry on his ruin. Many, indeed, even in after years, were called to share in Dr. Plunket's crown, but never with the formalities of a trial, or with the public and direct sanction of the government. With him was closed the bright array of heroes of the faith who at Tyburn received their martyr-crowns. The enemies of the Catholic Church had vainly hoped by shedding their blood to destroy the faith, but they forgot that the blood of martyrs is a fruitful seed—that the sword of persecution can only prune the vine and cause it to put forth new branches—and that the Church of God is, indeed, the mystic field, in which each grain cast into the earth buds forth remultiplied.

Taken from - MEMOIRS OF THE MOST REV. OLIVER PLUNKET, WHO SUFFERED DEATH FOR THE CATHOLIC FAITH IN THE YEAR 1681. 

The Trial of St Oliver Plunket. part 3.

Shrine of St Oliver Plunkett, Drogheda

On the Chief Justice asking Dr. Plunket what he had to say in his defence, he replied:—

"My lord, I tell you I have no way to defend myself; as I have been denied time to bring over my records and my witnesses, ten or twelve in number. Were they here, or were I in Ireland, where both they and I should be known, I would defy all the malice of the world; but when I was to be tried in Ireland, they would not appear, knowing that their statements were false and malicious. These men used to call me Oliver Cromwell out of spite."

The Chief Justice then having recapitulated against him, pointing out their absurdity and improbability, and proving in a way calculated to convince every impartial hearer, that his accusers were perjurers, and merely animated by a fell spirit of avarice and revenge. He concluded by protesting again that in his present circumstances, without witnesses and records, it was impossible for him to make a proper defence.

The recapitulation of the evidence by the Solicitor-General and Sergeant Jeffries followed, replete with envenomed remarks against the archbishop and the Catholic religion. Scarce had Sergeant Jeffries concluded, when a stranger stepping forward in the court handed a paper to Dr. Plunket. It contained the names of witnesses who might be called in his defence, and the crier at once read aloud the names; "David Fitzgerald, Eustace Commines, and Paul Gorman;" but Gorman alone appeared, and besides the declaration that " he thought Dr. Plunket did more good in Ireland than hurt, and that he never heard of any misdemeanour of him," the only matter of importance which he avowed was that " friar Moyer, when in discourse with him, said, if there was law to be had in Ireland he would show Mr. Plunket his share in it."

On the Lord Chief Justice delivering his charge to the jury, Dr. Plunket once more declared:—

"I can say nothing to it, but give my own protestation that there is not one word of what is said against me true, but all plain romance; I never had any communication with any French minister, cardinal, nor other."

The jury without delay came to their decision, and the foreman announcing" guilty," Dr. Plunket exclaimed "Deo gratias" thanks be to God.

Whilst all England was excited to the highest pitch of fanaticism, and ready to believe every absurd story regarding Catholics, it cannot surprise us that the jury should have come to such a decision; and surely any twelve men ignorant of the character of the accusers, and therefore judging them to be honourable men, and who, at the same time, had been taught to recognize in the very fact of the accused being Roman Catholic primate of Ireland a prima facie evidence of his treasonable designs, could, with difficulty, have come to a contrary conclusion. But whosoever, after reading the preceding chapters, reviews the prepared testimony of these wretched men, will easily detect not only evidence of their malignant enmity against the primate, but, moreover, manifest indications of the falsehood of their tale. Thus, to say nothing of the monstrous accusations of preparing a fund for the maintenance of an army of 60,000 men at a time when Dr. Plunket wrote those beautiful letters which we have seen, and which reveal to us the extreme indigence to which he and his fellow prelates were reduced, and the sad destitution of the Catholics of Ireland, it is friar MacMoyer himself, an associate and a leader of a tory band, who inculpates the tories as having carried away his papers, whilst the other witnesses were obliged to have recourse to other like accidents, in order to account for the absence of the document to which they referred, and which should have been produced:—then, again, the appointment of Dr. Plunket is sworn to have originated with the French king, in order to advance his designs of conquest:—another witness declares the extent of his authority to be to suspend at his pleasure all bishops and priests throughout Ireland, who would not contribute to the national fund:—by another, the sending of a band of tories to France is made a proof of his treason, though, in reality, it was the Lord Lieutenant who had thus removed them from the kingdom, after the archbishop had induced them to submit, and obtained the thanks of the government as well as of the nation for his paternal endeavours in their regard. The seminary at which the children of many of the Protestant gentry were educated, is made a sort of standing council for deliberating on the best means of extirpating all the Protestants and changing the government. It is said that he destined Carlingford to be the landing-place of the French; and yet Florence MacMoyer swore that it was thus destined in 1667, two years before Dr. Plunket was consecrated to the see of Armagh; that port, too, is extolled by the witnesses; and the Solicitor-General in his recapitulation styles it " a very large port, in which ships of the largest burden may come up;" whilst, as we learn from the Archbishop of Cashel, and other sources, it was then, as it is now, a most miserable and insignificant little port; in fine, friar MacMoyer inculpates the justice before whom he first accused the primate, as being an accomplice in these treasonable designs, because he refused to receive his evidence; and yet the Duke of Ormond refused, in like manner, to receive it, and the Protestant juries not only refused to credit his sworn testimony, but instead of the accused, condemned himself to prison on account of his notorious crimes. But these things being all unknown, perhaps, to the twelve citizens of London, who sat in judgment to try Dr. Plunket for the highest crime of which he could stand accused before the law; without a dissentient voice—almost without deliberation, they pronounced him guilty.

The verdict being recorded, the court arose. On the 14th of July, Dr. Plunket was again brought to the bar to receive judgment in accordance with that verdict. On leave being given to speak, Dr. Plunket again pointed out the difficult position in which he had been placed, refuted the charges made against him, and proved the wickedness and malice of his accusers :—

"My lord, may it please your lordship, I have something to say, which, if your lordship will consider seriously, may occasion the court's commiseration and mercy. I have, my lord, for the offences with which I am now charged, been already arraigned in Ireland. At the day fixed for my trial there, my accusers voluntarily absented themselves, seeing I had records and witnesses to convict them, and to show what men they were, and the prepensed malice that they did bear to me; and, so, finding that I could, clear myself evidently, they absconded; from that day no one appeared against me in Ireland: but, hither they came and procured that I should be brought where I could not have a jury that knew the qualities of my adversaries, or who knew me, or the circumstances of the places, times, or persons. The jury here, as I say, consisting of strangers to these affairs, my lord, they could not know many things that conduce to a fair trial; it was morally impossible they should know them.

"I have been accused principally and chiefly for surveying the ports, for fixing upon Carlingford for the landing of the French, for the having of 70,000 men ready to join the French, for collecting money for the agents in this matter, for assisting the French, and enlisting this great Utopian army. A jury in Ireland, consisting of men that lived in that country, would immediately understand the folly of such charges, and any man in the world that hath but seen Ireland in a map, would easily see there was no probability that Carlingford should be a place fit for the French to land in. Though never in Ireland, yet by the map he would see the invaders must come by the narrow seas all along to Ulster, exposed to rocks and every other danger, for the purpose of landing at Carlingford, which is a poor town and of no strength, with a very bad harbour and with a very small garrison, which had not been so if it had been a place of any consideration.

"And then I had influence only upon one province, as is well known, though I had the title of Primate of all Ireland, as the Archbishop of Canterbury hath of all England, though the Archbishop of York did not permit him to meddle with his province; and it is well known by the gentry there, and those that are accustomed to the place, that in all the province of Ulster, take men, women, and children of the Roman Catholics, they would not supply 70,000. This a jury on the spot, my lord, would have known very well: therefore, the laws of England, which are very favourable to the prisoner, have provided that there should be a jury of the place where the offence was committed, as Sir Thomas Gascoigne, as I have heard, had a Yorkshire jury, though he was tried at London.

"After my coming here, I was kept a close prisoner for six months; no one was permitted to come to me, nor did I know how things stood in the world. I was brought here the 3rd of May to be arraigned and I petition your lordships to have some time to prepare for my trial, proposing to have it put off till Michaelmas, but your lordships did not think fit to grant so long, but only till the middle of this month. In the mean time my witnesses, who were ready at the seaside, would not come over without passes; and I could not get over the records without an order from hence, which records would have shown that some of the accusers were indicted in Ireland and found guilty of high crimes; some having been imprisoned for robberies, and others being men of infamous character; so I petitioned, the 8th of this month, that I might have time for but twelve days more; but your lordships, when the motion was made, thought that it was only to put off my trial, and refused my motion. Now my witnesses are come to Coventry yesterday morning, and they will be here in a few days; but in the meantime I have been left at the mercy of my adversaries, who were some of my own clergy, whom, for their debauched lives, I had corrected, as is well known.

"I will not deny, that as long as there was any toleration and connivance, I did execute the functions of a bishop; but that, by the 2nd of Elizabeth, is only praemunire, and no treason. But, my lord, whilst I have been left without means of defence, my enemies have had full time to prepare their wicked charges against me. I did beg for twelve days' time, whereby you might have seen, as plain as the sun, what those witnesses are that began the story and say those things against me. And, my lord, for the raising of the 70,000 men, and the monies that are collected of the clergy in Ireland, they cannot he true, for they are a poor clergy, that have no revenue nor land—they live as the Presbyterians do here; there is not a priest in all Ireland that hath, from certain or uncertain sources, above three score pounds a-year, and that I should collect from them sums sufficient for the raising of an army, or for the landing of the French at Carlingford, if it had been brought before a jury in Ireland would have been thought a mere romance.

"If they had accused me of a praemunire for the exercise of my episcopal function, perhaps they had said something that might be believed; but, my lord, as I am a dying man, and hope for salvation by my Lord and Saviour, I am not guilty of one point of treason they have sworn against me, no more than the child that was born but yesterday. I have an attestation under my lord of Essex's hand, concerning my good behaviour in Ireland, and not only from him, but from my lord Berkeley, who was also governor there, which the king's attorney saw; but here I was brought—here I was tried, without having time to bring witnesses, so that I could not prove my innocence, as otherwise I might Hence if any case in the world deserve compassion, surely my case does; and it is such a rare case, that I do not believe you will find an instance that one arraigned in Ireland should be tried here afterwards for the same fact. My lord, if there be anything in the world that deserves pity, this does; for I can say, as I hope for mercy, I was never guilty of any one point they have sworn against me; and if my petition for time had been granted, I could have shown how all was prepense malice against me, and have produced all circumstances that could make out the innocence of a person, but having been left without any means of defence I am at your mercy."

The Chief Justice then proceeded to pass sentence; having said in the course of his address: "I appeal to all that heard your trial, if they could so much as doubt but that you were guilty of what you were charged with. For, consider, here were persons of your own religion, the most of them priests—I think almost all of them in orders." Dr. Plunket corrected him, saying:—

"There were two friars and a priest, whom I have endeavoured to correct seven years, and they were renegades from our religion, and dastard apostates."

And shortly afterwards, the Chief Justice extolling the evidence of friar Duffy, Dr. Plunket said:—

"I had sufficient evidence to prove he was an apostate, and was chastised by me, and, therefore, had pretended malice against me."

On the conclusion of the Lord Chief Justice's discourse, Dr. Plunket again addressed him :—

"May it please your lordship to give me leave to speak one word. If I were a man that had no care of my conscience in this matter, and did not think of God Almighty, or conscience, or heaven, or hell, I might have saved my life, for I was offered it by divers people here, so I would but confess my own guilt and accuse others. But, my lord, I had rather die ten thousand deaths than wrongfully accuse anybody. And the time will come when your lordship will see what those witnesses are that have come in against me. I do assure your lordship, if I were a man that had not good principles, I might easily have saved my life; but I had rather die ten thousand deaths, than wrongfully to take away one farthing of any mans goods, one day of his liberty, or one minute of his life."

Lord Chief Justice.—" I am sorry to see you persist in the principles of that religion."

Dr. Plunket.—" They are those principles that even God Almighty cannot dispense withal."

With the usual solemnity the sentence of a traitor was then pronounced against him; but against a man breathing those noble sentiments, such a sentence should be of little avail. His conduct during the whole course of trial, his fearless denunciation of the injustice which was committed in thus compelling him to stand his trial deprived of all means of defence—his solemn protestations of innocence and of the prepense malice of his perjured accusers—but above all, the exalted sentiments of Christian morality, worthy of a spiritual pastor, who in his own life traced out the path which his children might pursue, must have extorted the admiration even of his enemies, and the sentence which followed, far from being a triumph over him, but crowned his cause and rendered his victory complete.

Taken from - MEMOIRS OF THE MOST REV. OLIVER PLUNKET, WHO SUFFERED DEATH FOR THE CATHOLIC FAITH IN THE YEAR 1681. 

The Trial of St Oliver Plunket. part 2.

Westminster Hall, where Plunkett was tried

On the conclusion of his evidence, Dr. Plunket being interrogated, whether he wished to ask any questions, said:—

"He says, my lord, that ten years ago I had such a design in hand; and he knew the money was collected for these very ends, and that I had a design to bring in the French at Carlingford, and went about to all the ports in Ireland, and pitched upon that as the most convenient; and yet it is so inconvenient for the bringing in a foreign force, that anyone that knows anything of the maps of the world will easily conclude it otherwise. But I say, my lord, why did he not tell some justice of the peace that I was upon such a design, but let me live in Ireland for ten years after, and never speak of it till now? When he saw me all the time, and to the time of my taking prisoner, and never said one word: for I was a prisoner six months, only for my religion, not one word of treason spoken of against me for so many years; why did he not acquaint some justice of the peace of it before?"

Then the scene ensued to which we have already referred; the Chief Justice and Justice Dolbein suggested to the prisoner the answer which they knew would be most satisfactory to his hearers, that forsooth, he himself was at that time a papist, and MacMoyer continued:—

"I was a papist myself; the first that did discover it; friar Moyer and I did consult about it; I had him charged to do so, and I had set him to work; but he was ill-paid for having discovered it, you got him to be trepanned, that he hath gone in danger of his life for it."

Henry O'Neal's evidence was short, and principally directed against the saintly bishop of Clogher, Dr. Tyrrell; amongst other things, however, he swears, that he had never seen the primate in his life, which confirms Dr. Plunket's own assertion, that, as to the four laymen who appeared against him, he had never before seen them.

Neal O'Neale almost repeated the words of the preceding witness: and Owen Murphy, who was next produced, in fact gave no evidence at all.

Hugh Duffy, however, more than supplied all that was wanting in these witnesses' evidence. On being sworn, he said:—

"I have seen this Dr. Oliver Plunket raising several sums of money to carry on this plot; sometimes 10s. per annum, sometimes 20s. of all the priests in Ireland, of every priest according to his pension and parish. It was given to his agent in Rome for carrying on this business. I was chaplain to Dr. Duffy, who was infinitely beloved by this man. He was father confessor to the Queen of Spain. There was nothing that happened between them but I was by all the time."

Being asked what was their conversation about, he replied:—

"About the plot: how they could confirm the plot: and this man, Plunket, said he could prevail with the king of France, and the other with the king of Spain. This was in 1673, '74, and '75, at his own house, and at... [The name is omitted. It was the seminary opened by Dr. Plunket in 1671, and in which there were three Jesuits, with about 158 students, many of whom were sons of the Protestant gentry.] .He kept three or four Jesuits there, and a matter of a hundred priests. The discourse was always about the plot, how they could continue the matter between them; and so they did conclude  afterwards to raise so much money upon several priests, all the priests in Ireland, sometimes 20s., sometimes 40s. He talked several times that he did not question but he should prevail with the king of France not to invade Spain; and I have seen his letter to Cardinal Bouillon to expostulate with him about the king of France, why he should wage war with the king of Spain, who was a Catholic, but rather should come and redeem Ireland out of its heretical jurisdiction."

Being asked as to the raising of money, he replied:—

"I have seen several precepts: I was curate to one Father Murphy, and while that man was with Dr. Oliver Plunket and the other Jesuits, 1 did officiate in his place, and he sent his letters to me to raise 40s. and 20s. a time, several times. It was to send to Dr. Creagh, who was at Rome."

Then in regard to the meetings, he adds that he was present at one "At Clones, in the county of Monaghan, on the occasion of the confirmation from the bishop, about 1671. It was there agreed that the gentlemen of Armagh, Monaghan, and Cavan should join together; and then they went into a private council to get a list of all the officers that were in the last rebellion, and those that lost their estates. I was in the same consult myself, and was as willing to proceed in the matter as any one in the world. They were withdrawn aside into a garden— some stood up, and some sat down; and Oliver Plunket stood in the middle of them all as a prelate, and every one kneeled down before him and kissed bis hand. Then they did consult, and gave special order to some of them to get a list of all the officers in the late rebellion, and that lost their estates, and that they should be more forward than others to proceed in that wicked design to destroy all the Protestants together."

Being asked if he heard the prisoner speak on these matters, he replied:—" Yes, and he made a special mention there concerning our own faith and religion." He afterwards swore that he had received a precept from Dr. Plunket to know what men in his district were able to bear arms: that he had accompanied Dr. Plunket to Carlingford, and that there "He went round about the place where some of the custom ships come in; there was a great castle there near the sea, and he went to view the place, but could not get a boat. And there was great talk of Carlingford to be one of the best havens in Ireland; there was no great garrison at the place, and any ship might come to the gates of the town and surprise it, it being a little town; and he concluded thence that he could get the French army to land safely there."

He afterwards added:—

"I have been at Sir Nicholas Plunket's, where there fell some variance about something this man had done to Dr. Duffy. Says Bishop Duffy, I might have had you drawn and quartered if I were as ill a man as you; and I might have been primate of Ireland if I would have undertaken those things that you undertook. Upon that, says Sir Nicholas Plunket; what is that? Why, it was replied, it was to raise 60,000 men in Ireland at any time, whenever the French or the Spanish king should wage war with England. And this man did confess, before my face, to Dr. Duffy, that it was not only to exalt himself, but all the Romish clergy, and all the gentry that had lost their estates."

The concluding question, however, put to this wretched man by Dr. Plunket sufficiently explains all this virulence of his evidence against him:—" Mr- Duffy, one word with you: is not this out of malice to me for correcting some of the clergy?"

Edmund Murphy was next sworn; and the Attorney-General, on finding that he hesitated in his evidence, declared that in his private examination "he had given the fullest evidence to all instances and particulars of high treason, much fuller than Duffy." But all exhortations to him to proceed in his evidence were in vain. At first he begged the Chief Justice to "respite the trial till next term:" he then declared that he forgot the evidence he had given on former occasions; and, when interrogated in detail, belied the various particulars which he had before sworn to, till, at length, the Lord Chief Justice exclaimed, "it is evident the Catholics have been tampering with him;" and at the desire of the counsel for the crown, in order to strike terror into the other witnesses, who might, perhaps, in like manner, be desirous of listening to the dictates of conscience, he commanded him to be at once committed to Newgate.

John Maclane then gave his evidence. He said:—

"I was a parish priest in Ireland, in the county of Monaghan, and Dr. Oliver Plunket raised several sums of money in Ireland, and especially in the diocese where I am. I raised some of it, and paid him 40s. at one time, and 30s. at another time; in 1674 I paid him 40s.; in 1675 I paid him 50s., and it was about July, and it was for the better advancement of the French coming in. The money was to be kept for arms and ammunition for the Roman Catholics in Ireland. I received an order, and there was a public order throughout Ireland, or we would not pay it; nay, several would not pay it, and they were to be suspended." Dr."Plunket here asked him :—" Can you show any of the orders under my hand?" to which he replied :—" Yes, I can show them, but only they are afar off. I did not expect to have them asked for."

He then swore that when he was at vicar Brady's house, "Bishop Tyrrell came there with forty horsemen well mounted and armed; he came into the house about ten in the morning, and stayed till about eleven at night; I was very much among them, and as willing to be of the plot as themselves. Then Bishop Tyrrell said he had orders from Dr. Oliver Plunket and others, to partake of the plot to bring in the French, and subvert the government in Ireland, and to destroy the Protestant religion and Protestants."

He added:—

"In France I landed at Brest, and going through Brittany, I met with Bishop Tyrrell and Dr. Creagh, who was my lord Oliver Plunket's agent, and Duke John, of Great Brittany, came unto them, (As Maclane did not belong to the diocese of the primate, it was manifest that he could not have received any such mandate from Dr. Plunket; to account, however, for this, the witness added this novel theory) :—" You being lord primate, you could suspend bishops and inferior clergy together." for he heard of these two bishops being lately come out of Some, sent for them, and I being a priest of Tyrrell's diocese, I went along with them, and they were well accepted, and he showed Dr. Oliver Plunket's conditions with the king of France, which was this: to get Dublin and Londonderry, and all the sea ports into their own hands, to levy war, and destroy the Protestant religion; and that they should have him to protect them during his lifetime."

The chief Justice interrogated him:—

"What do you know of his being primate?"

He replied:—

"He was made primate by the election of the king of France, and upon his election he made those conditions with the king of France, to raise men to join with the French, to destroy the Protestant religion."

The last leading witness was friar Mover. He declared:—

"I knew the prisoner, my lord, to be made primate of Ireland, engaging that he should propagate the Romish faith in Ireland, and to restore it to the Catholic government; and I know the time by relation that I came-to Rome, within two months after his being made primate of Ireland, upon the same conditions that have been related to you; and I was brought into the convent of St. Francis in Rome, by one Father , and this father was very intimate with Cardinal Spinola; and when he used to go abroad, he used to carry me along with him as a companion, and then I found several of the Romish Cardinals say, that the kingdom of Ireland should come under the Catholic government by the way and means of the Lord Primate Plunket."

He then produced a copy of a letter of Dr. Plunket, which he "Translated five years ago, and here are the contents following; if you please, they may be read ; I will do my best to read them in English, the original were in Latin, and some phrases in Italian.

 And when I was surprised with Mr. Murphy last year, and taken suddenly, all my papers were taken" away before I could return back again, by the soldiers and the tories. I only kept a copy of this letter I had in English, as near as I could, and if I did not diminish anything by the translation, upon the oath I have taken, I have not put anything in it but what the contents of the letter were."

The letter is then said to have been read, but is not given; we can,however,gather its contents from the subsequent examination; that it was addressed to the Secretary of Propaganda; that it destined a sum for the agent in Rome, and Moyer, by the addition of a zero, changed that sum from £50 to £500. Dr. Plunket here declared that the sum destined for the agent in Rome was £50; and added:—

"There is never a nation where the Roman Catholic religion is professed, but hath an agent for their spiritual affairs at Rome, and this was for the spiritual affairs of the clergy of Ireland. I deny nothing; that is a truth; every nation hath an agent, and that agent must be maintained; and the reason is this, because we have many colleges beyond sea, and so there is no country of Roman Catholics but hath an agent at Rome."

Mover then swore to the various other heads; the planning of the invasion of Ireland by the French, the collecting of money for that purpose, the exploring the country, &c, and that these matters had been committed to him as a secret by the primate himself. Being asked in what year this took place, he replied:—

"In 1676, and I being willing that this wicked action should be hindered, sent to the next justice to discharge myself of it, which justice was as favourable to the business as my lord himself was."

Before the conclusion of this witness's evidence, Dr. Plunket produced two letters of the friar. The first was addressed to "my reverend father Anthony, Guardian of Armagh," and was dated 1st July, 1678. It thus commenced:—

"Very Rev. Father Guardian,—Your paternal letter and citation homeward I did instantly peruse. As for my lord Oliver Plunket, I wrote a letter to him the day before I saw your reverence last, that he might cause my fame, which is as dear to me as my life, to be recalled, or I should cause his name to be fixed at every public place, which, by the Almighty, I will do, nature and all reason compelling me to do it."

No more of this letter is given in the state trials, but we learn the remainder of it from the subsequent words of Dr. Plunket:—

"My lord, I say this: he says he came to my house when he came over, and I imparted this secret to him; yet you see I had denounced him through my whole diocese, and he there calls me by all those names of Elymas, Simon Magus, and Barjesus; and it is impossible, if I had communicated to him such a secret, that I would deal so with him."

The second letter was dated the 23rd of April, 1678, and was addressed, in like manner, to the father Guardian:—

"I was somewhat comforted by your letter. But now I hope your reverence hath considered what wrong I have sustained by my curious adversaries' calumnies, only for standing, as I have a soul to save, for your rights and privileges, as also for endeavouring to save my native country's ruin and destruction."

As to the remainder, it is said that the witness "read on:" but the letter is not given, and we can only gather from the subsequent discourse, that he stated in it that Dr. Plunket " had fallen into disgrace in Rome." The object of Dr. Plunket in producing these letters was to show the malignity and animosity which this apostate friar bore against him, on account of his having checked his reckless career.

Taken from - MEMOIRS OF THE MOST REV. OLIVER PLUNKET, WHO SUFFERED DEATH FOR THE CATHOLIC FAITH IN THE YEAR 1681.